The Third Ten Years of the World Health Organization: 1968-1978

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This stimulated a novel understanding of ideas of gender segregation, class, and mobility in public space as well as of notions of honour and love.

The Third Ten Years Of The World Health Organization: 1968 1978

Her work is an excellent addition to a field inaugurated not so long ago by the studies of Mine Ener, and will surely help provide a deeper understanding of how medicine, law, and politics mutually interacted in the formation and affirmation of khedival Egypt. These additions would have produced a more global understanding of the dynamics that Kozma analysed and a perhaps slightly more nuanced reading of the passage from khedival to colonial Egypt. Besides these minor complaints, Policing Egyptian Women is a very valuable contribution to the literature, combining a sophisticated theoretical framework with a charm- ing narrative style.

It is recommended to anyone interested in Middle Eastern medical and legal history. Johnson, and Barak A. Salmoni, eds.

Collective oral health: ways from sanitary dentistry to buccality

At the end of each of its first two decades, a book was issued describing how the WHO had operated in the pre- vious 10 years. In , though, the WHO along with many other UN-related agencies was in the middle of a serious financial crisis, and budget cuts affected many of its branches. This is the main reason for the delayed publication of this volume, authored by Socrates Listios a former WHO employee , which appeared on the 60th anniversary of the WHO.

After first refusing he eventually agreed to rent to the party.

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The quiet working-class Madrona neighborhood on the hill above Lake Washington had given birth to and would provide a home for the new Seattle Black Panther Party. Within days, the party headquarters opened, and the news spread quickly throughout the Central Area. In the first two months of operation, more than membership applications were received. The party attracted a wide range of people who lived in the community. A number of young Asian Americans who had grown up in the neighborhood applied. Guy Kurose , a martial-arts expert and son of Japanese American teacher and activist Akiko Kurose , would later work on the party's breakfast program and march in rallies for justice.

Mike Gillespie b. Considering himself "a foot soldier," Tagawa did weapons training and cleaning and taught political education classes.

Young women were also among the applicants. Halley was deputy minister of finance and treasurer, and Alice Spencer was communications secretary" "From Memphis and Mogadishu". New members were required to go through six weeks of military training and learn to follow orders, but women who joined were not required to participate in the training. The Seattle Black Panther chapter experienced immediate growing pains. By the end of , the party had an estimated 2, members across the country. From through the end of , Panthers were constantly being scrutinized, arrested, and jailed, accused of numerous crimes, and sometimes murdered.

This did not deter the party from working for the community, but the struggle was always in day-to-day survival mode.

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As the party developed a framework for the future, the Madrona neighborhood was transforming into a Black Panther community. A mixture of fear, apprehension, pride, and hope was common to many. The very sight of Panthers brought shivers and fear to some onlookers when they walked by in black leather jackets, black pants, black berets, afros, and dark sunglasses, symbolizing the power they had. The phones in the office rang constantly with people asking for assistance. When the party was barely more than three months old, on the hot summer night of July 29, , Seattle police raided the headquarters and chapter captain Aaron Dixon and defense minister Curtis Harris were arrested for the alleged theft of a typewriter from the nearby Legal Service Center at E Cherry Street.

No drugs, no weapons, a stolen typewriter! The arrest touched off a full-scale three-day riot in Seattle, resulting in additional arrests, wounded police officers, civilians hit by gunfire and rocks, and property damage throughout the Central Area. Dixon and Harris would later be acquitted of the theft charge. The riot was not on the scale of some in larger cities, but was the start of scattered firebombing, rock throwing, and gunfire aimed at closing down known racist businesses. The riot also marked the beginning of conflict between police and the party that would last two years.

But no matter what the community was facing, the Panthers saw themselves as there to protect. In September , a black mother called the headquarters stating her son was beaten several times by white students at Rainier Beach High School. She continued to call daily to report other black students were being attacked and threatened by white students and the school staff refused to protect them. On September 6, , after several calls from other black mothers, 13 Panthers arrived at the school carrying rifles and confronted principal Donald S.

Means , demanding protection for black students. He agreed and the Panthers returned to the chapter office. Seattle Mayor Dorm Braman pushed to have a gun law passed that would restrict firearms in the city or weapons used in a manner manifesting intent to intimidate others. This set the stage for more battles and a Panther protest against state gun-control legislation. Early the next year, Seattle Panthers heard that the state legislature was planning to pass a gun bill like that advocated by Mayor Braman. On February 28, , party members drove to Olympia to demonstrate in support of their right to bear arms.

The Panthers walked up the steps of the capitol building holding rifles and shotguns and stood in formation led by Elmer Dixon with the weapons pointed upright. Asked to unload the weapons, they did so peacefully. Aaron Dixon went inside the building and read a prepared statement. But the gun bill had already passed and was quickly signed by Governor Dan Evans b. Before the year ended, the Panthers were no longer carrying weapons in public. The program would eventually expand to five locations serving "an estimated , meals from to " "A Panther Sighting By the fall of , the Seattle chapter headquarters moved from the Madrona office to a two-story home located at 20th Avenue in the Central Area.

John R. Green to open a medical clinic by December in the new headquarters. Green and other physicians and nurses volunteered their time. The clinic was opened on December 1, , and named the Sidney Miller Free Clinic after a Panther member who was shot and killed during a robbery. The clinic, which also tested for sickle cell anemia, relocated several more times before settling at E. Yesler Way. It was renamed the Carolyn Downs Family Medical Center in , honoring Carolyn Jean Downs , a young mother who joined the party and dedicated all her time to movement.

Carolyn Downs was the first free medical clinic in the Pacific Northwest, an important legacy of the Seattle Black Panther chapter. With the launching and success of such programs, increased membership, and party members no longer openly carrying weapons, the programs became the primary vehicle to address concerns and immediate needs of the community.

https://burgrecepcu.ml As the s came to a close, the party was about to turn over a new leaf, both good and bad. The Black Panther Party was arguably the most important revolutionary organization in the United States in the late s and early s. No longer displaying weapons under the new gun law, the Panthers changed their standard uniform from black leather jackets and berets and toned down their rhetoric. In , Michael Dixon established the Business to Prisons Program with the assistance of Melvin Dickerson , using vans, cars, and a donated bus to transport friends and family for visits with those incarcerated in five state prisons on a regular basis.

The same year, the Liberation School opened at two housing projects, focusing on black history, writing skills, and political science. The school was held five days a week during the summer. While all European countries registered a steady rise in life expectancy levels, mainly as a result of an accelerated decline in infant mortality and infectious diseases, this rise stalled in the s as new epidemiologic threats emerged in the form of increasing mortality from cardiovascular diseases, traffic accidents and other causes related to risky behaviours.

According to the theory of epidemiologic transition Omran , these unfavourable phenomena were expected to hold back any further progress in life expectancy. The Czech Republic and Poland were the first Communist countries to see the stagnation or, for some population groups, deterioration in life expectancy. In this study, we want to gain a deeper understanding of the epidemiologic tendencies that contributed both to the unfavourable life expectancy changes in the Communist period and to the more recent progress in these two countries. To this end, we analyse the dynamics in cause-specific mortality and identify the most important causes of death that have underlain life expectancy changes.

We study large cause-of-death categories that group entities into similar pathophysiologic and behavioural origins, for instance infectious diseases or smoking-related cancers. This is because our goal is to indicate that social and economic changes may have been related to the recent changes in cause-specific mortality and to recent improvements in life expectancy. In the discussion, we present three possible explanations for the advantageous mortality changes in the Czech Republic and Poland: successful reforms in the political and economic systems; changes in attitudes and behaviours regarding the main risk factors; and an important shift in the structure of education.

The first period comprises a rapid increase in life expectancy that lasted in the Czech Republic until and in Poland until In the s and early s, a steady increase in life expectancy was registered throughout the European continent, mainly due to a reduction in the still high mortality of infants and children, which was the main epidemiologic challenge just after WWII. These health care systems responded efficiently to the major needs of the time, principally through an active maternity policy and massive immunization programs.

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As this phase of growth lasted longer in Poland than in the Czech Republic, the former managed to catch up with the latter in terms of life expectancy: in , the difference between Czech and Polish life expectancies was as low as 0. In life expectancy in the Czech Republic was close to the values registered in France; thereafter, the trends between the two countries started to diverge.

In the second period, the Czech Republic saw a decrease in life expectancy that lasted from until , followed by a very slow increase from until , while Poland experienced a decrease for males and a very slow increase for females from until The progress in life expectancy halted across Europe in the s, when nearly all European countries entered the third stage of the epidemiologic transition Omran , during which degenerative and man-made diseases became the main threats to population health.

From around the mids and throughout the s, these groups of causes of death were the main impediment to any continuation of the life expectancy increase. At the same time, health policies in Central and Eastern Europe did not respond efficiently and flexibly to these emerging epidemiologic threats. Between and , life expectancy in the Czech Republic decreased by 0.

In Poland, the health crisis appeared to be more severe for males, whose life expectancy at birth decreased by 0. As these changes were particularly disadvantageous for males in Poland, the difference in male life expectancy between the two countries under analysis increased anew and in reached 2. The third period marks a steady rebound to a rising trend in life expectancy. The first signs that the end of the health crisis had arrived in Central Europe were observed in the Czech Republic in , when a sustained decrease in death rates began.

Soon afterwards, the life expectancy increase recovered in other Central European countries that were undergoing economic and political transitions: Poland and the GDR in , Hungary in , Slovakia in , Romania in and Bulgaria in Remarkably, this increase was relatively rapid in the Czech Republic and Poland, and the difference in life expectancy between the two countries has remained stable since about 2. In Russia, while a sustained increase in life expectancy was registered until the mids, the trends in life expectancy since then have been subject to huge fluctuations, with a decline for men or stagnation for women in the average length of life until A longitudinal analysis of mortality changes requires coherent time series by detailed causes of death.

This method has been successfully applied to several European countries, including in alphabetical order Belarus Grigoriev et al.

Cause-of-death data used in the analysis for the Czech Republic, France and Poland, in accordance with the ICD revision in use at the time. In order to ensure the historical and geographical comparability of mortality trends by causes, we re-established time series by specific causes, first allowing for changes in classifications of diseases and then aggregating them into relatively large groups.